Good evening, comrades, colleagues and guests.
I am pleased to be here with you this evening for your Annual Charity Dinner.
Allow me to speak briefly on a serious topic that concerns all of us.
Changing Political Map of Southeast Asia
The political map of our region has undergone many changes for past few centuries. Imagine that we are map makers in eighteenth-century Southeast Asia. If we tried to indicate the boundaries of the various states by the use of different colours, the map would appear as an extraordinary mosaic. Instead of the eleven states now, we would not be able to think in terms of less than forty states
The political map of the eighteen-century Southeast Asia, in contrast to a map of the succeeding century, would have one very distinctive feature. The areas showing a colonial presence would be very small indeed. Apart from the northern Philippine Islands and much of Java, the European presence in the eighteenth century Southeast Asia was limited, a few trading posts dotted along the coastlines of the various regions.
As the demand for spices increased, the European appetite for colonies in our region intensified in the nineteenth and twentieth century. The British, Dutch, Portuguese and Spanish started expanding their empires to the East Indies. We all know that this change in the dynamics of the political map also brought Singapore from a fishing village to an entrepot.
Srivijaya Empire
Some great empires flourished in our region, long before the arrival of the Europeans. The Srivijaya was one such empire. It flourished as an entrepot for the maritime trade between Southern China and India. Srivijaya, at its height, controlled the Straits of Malacca and of Sunda, all of Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula, and the western half of Java. Its authority was recognised as far as away as Ceylon and Formosa and in many colonies throughout the East Indies. Apart from political and ecological factors, religion contributed to Srivijaya's dominance. The rulers of Srivijaya were ardent patrons of Buddhism as shown in the great Borobudur monument in Central Java. Many believe that Srivijaya laid the foundation for the use of Malay in the Southeast Asian Archipelago.
The Srivijaya Empire went into a decline around the tenth century. The consolidation of petty Javanese states, led to the rise of Singosari in eastern Java. They challenged and finally brought down the power of Srivijaya.
Madjapahit Kingdom
Another great empire was born after Srivijaya around the thirteenth century. The Madjapahit kingdom in Java developed a Hindu culture and built up a commercial empire with authority extending over Borneo, Sumatra, parts of the Philippines and parts of the Malay Peninsula. After the death of the influential ruler Hayam Wuruk, the Madjapahit kingdom went into a decline. We can see the Madjapahit and Hindu past in the Balinese culture today.
Spread of Islam
At around the same time, Islam was spreading in Java and initially in trading ports along the north coast. The shipping network in the archipelago connected Southeast Asia to the expanding world of European trade and conquest, and the larger Islamic world. Islamic models of state organisation and new military techniques from the West were brought to the region through the shipping network. These together with the expansion of commerce, helped dynamic new leaders to emerge in the region. During the fifteenth century, Muslim commercial operations, based chiefly on Malacca, were extended to the whole archipelago. This Islamic arc in the south; a Confucian orthodoxy in Vietnam and a Theravada Buddhist region in the rest of mainland Southeast Asia would mark the changes in Southeast Asia in next few centuries that followed.
Concept of Malay Nation
From time to time the concept of Malay nation comprising several states in Southeast Asia surfaced. Let me cite three examples.
First, during the sixteenth century, the Portuguese increase in efforts to take over Malacca, drove many elements interested in Islam, commerce and local patriotism to unite in support of the Sultan of Aceh. The Sultan worked to unite the north Sumatran coast into a new and explicitly anti-Portuguese kingdom. This competed directly with the Portuguese Malacca as the centre for Islamic spice route. The Ottoman expansion in the 1500s also brought impetus for a pan-Islamic counter crusade against the Portuguese in Southeast Asia.
Second, the Sarekat Islam or Islamic Association was the first Islamic nationalist organisation in the East Indies. It was originally founded in 1911 as an Islamic Trading Association designed to protect Muslim merchants against ethnic Chinese competition. In 1912, the association downplayed its commercial agenda in favour of becoming a mass organisation that used "Islamic" as an equivalent to "indigenous". Within a few years, its membership grew to tens of thousands.
Third, in 1963, the Philippines proposed a concept of Malay Brotherhood called the Maphilindo concept. This brotherhood would comprise Malaysia, the Philippines and Indonesia. At a meeting in Manila in 1963, the three countries tentatively agreed to the confederation. However, this turned out to be unworkable following the Confrontasi launched by Indonesia.
Recently, the arrests of the Jemaah Islamiyah show that there are people in Southeast Asia dedicated to a similar dream of a pan-regional Islamic state, comprising Malaysia, Indonesia and southern Philippines. They call this Daulah Islamiyah Nusantara.
Response to JI Arrests
Comrades, colleagues and guests,
History has shown us that political maps do not remain constant. It has changed in the past as empire builders make use of religion to further their political ends. Groups, such as the Jemaah Islamiyah, will use religion or culture to achieve their political dreams. This is an attractive option for them because religion and culture appeal to the heart. They can stir up emotions easily. But, this is a dangerous tactic. This is an option we must not allow. By a quirk of history, we became an independent country with a people of different races, languages and religions. For about 40 years we have nurtured multi-racial and multi-religious harmony. Our state cannot be based on one religion. Rather, it must allow each one to practise his own faith. Allowing people to abuse religion for their political ends will destroy the very delicate social fabric that we have taken great pains to build and preserve over the years. Singaporeans must not allow themselves to be used by these perpetrators.
When the arrests were disclosed, I discussed with my NTUC colleagues on the impact on Singaporeans and workers. We were particularly concerned about possible discrimination against Malay workers. Seng Han Thong shared this view, "I can understand how the Malay community is feeling now. As a Chinese-educated Singaporean, I too felt the pressure of the Chinese community being stereotyped as extremists when the pro-communists elements were arrested from the 50s to the 70s. Some Nantah graduates even felt that they were discriminated against when they looked for jobs after graduation."
There are indeed parallels between the JI threat and the communist riots we experienced. The New Paper reported this in an article on 18 September 2002 titled "The JI threat and lessons from the Hock Lee riots". In the 1950s, the communists used the Chinese culture as their tool to stir up emotions and dissent. These extremists fanned up emotions and instigated riots and cause great social unrest. Their goal was a political one. The action of the extremists forced the Chinese community, especially the Chinese-educated, under the spotlight. However, the extremists were only a handful in the community and the majority of the Chinese in Singapore were not extremists.
Similarly, the Jemaah Islamiyah group is only a handful of extremists. They do not represent the majority of the Malay-Muslim community. We must be mindful that we do not tar those of the same religion with the same brush stroke. Otherwise, it will be a mistake, because if we do that, we would have fallen into the trap of the perpetrators. Our Malay/Muslim colleagues and neighbours are loyal Singaporeans. For them and for us, Singapore is home.
Conclusion
As one of the largest workers union in Singapore, we can play a useful role in preserving unity and harmony in our society. I urge all of you here to engage and get to know friends and colleagues from different religions and races. Let us stay vigilant and not allow ourselves to be used by those, who serve to undermine our social harmony and unity for their political ends.
Finally, let me commend UWEEI for successfully raising more than $100,000 in its charity dinner. The sum of money will be used to support our members' training and given to the Moral Home of the Aged Sick for their activities. The home is adopted by UWEEI. UWEEI has been holding annual charity dinners for more than five years. This shows that the union places emphasis on doing its part for the community. This is important, especially in difficult times such as these. The efforts of the UWEEI union leaders and members in raising the fund must be strongly commended.
Thank you and have a pleasant evening.
